Why the IUML is campaigning hard for Aryadan Shoukath despite a strained past
Aryadan Shoukath | Manorama
As the campaigning for Nilambur by-polls end on Tuesday, both the UDF and LDF camps are in confidence. The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the most important ally for the Congress in the UDF, arguably, had to navigate the most challenging tightrope walk in this election phase. And, there is a strong narrative on the ground that if the UDF does not win this election, the blame will fall squarely on the League. Incidentally, the IUML cadres and leaders have formed crucial backbone for the UDF campaign in Nilambur. Here is what makes Nilambur a crucial fight for IUML.
Malappuram situationship
Even though Malappuram district, with its large Muslim population, is widely regarded as a Muslim League stronghold, the Nilambur constituency tells a different story. “Nilambur has a different kind of politics altogether,” says political observer Adv. A. Jayashankar. “It’s actually Hindu-majority. Many assume it’s dominated by Muslims, but that’s not the case—the Hindu population is larger.”
Jayashankar points to another political irony: in Malappuram, Congress workers have traditionally been staunchly anti-Muslim League. “When you travel through certain parts of the district, if you pay close attention to both sides of the road, you’ll notice flag posts painted with the tricolour,” he says. “These are all memorials to Muhammad Abdurahman—a symbol of resistance to the Muslim League, and a lasting emblem of Congress’ opposition. That political mindset still persists.”
Jayashankar cites this mindset as the reason why the LDF has successfully fielded Congress defectors to win elections in Malappuram. Notably, there have been many such examples, including T.K. Hamza, V. Abdurahiman, and even former Nilambur MLA P.V. Anvar. “There are many local bodies where Congress and the League are at each other’s throats,” says Jayashankar. “And it was because of this unique political culture in Malappuram that the late Aryadan Muhammad [former Nilambur MLA and father of UDF candidate in the bypolls, Aryadan Shoukath] could challenge—and even mock—Muslim League leaders.”
Notably, Shoukath also shared a tumultuous relationship with IUML in the past. Back in 2016, when Shoukath contested to assembly from Nilambur unsuccessfuly, there have been allegations that League had a hand in that defeat. Interestingly, when THE WEEK met Shoukath during the campaign trail, he claimed that he share a strong relationship with Muslim League and Panakkad family. “We launched our campaign from Panakkad, from Kudappanakkunnu—their ancestral home. They gave us their blessings. We had lunch there before setting out,” he said. Shoukath also told THE WEEK that the UDF is now united like never before.
UDF unity question
Though UDF leaders claim that the front is more united than ever, there have been multiple signs of discomfort that the Muslim League leadership. Grievances have been expressed, especially regarding how the Congress leadership is handling key issues. These concerns were evident even before the Nilambur campaign began. The League has voiced its unease over internal Congress infighting spilling into the public domain, and over what it sees as premature and unnecessary discussions about the chief ministerial post—issues that, it believes, are damaging the UDF’s image.
Even after the Nilambur bypolls were announced, the League found itself in a difficult position due to the Congress leadership’s actions. A section of IUML leaders expressed strong dissatisfaction with Opposition Leader V.D. Satheesan’s handling of the P.V. Anvar UDF entry issue. The IUML, which had hoped to gain some support from Anvar in the upcoming local body elections, had favoured a more inclusive approach. Satheesan’s handling of the situation was reportedly criticised within the party’s internal forums, though the IUML’s official stance denies any such discussion took place.
Ironically, the IUML now bears the greatest responsibility in ensuring that votes—especially from the Muslim demographic in Nilambur—do not leak to Anvar, a scenario that could ultimately benefit the LDF.
But the more difficult—and arguably more consequential—challenge for the IUML came with the Congress leadership’s decision to accept the support of the Jamaat-e-Islami-backed Welfare Party, a move that could have long-term repercussions for the League.
The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) is acutely aware that any narrative hinting at an alliance—implicit or otherwise—between the League, Congress, and Jamaat-e-Islami is unlikely to sit well with several influential Muslim community organisations, many of whose cadres are affiliated with the League. The party also remains wary of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind’s ideological leanings.
Into this sensitive equation, United Democratic Front (UDF) chairman and opposition leader V.D. Satheesan dropped a political bombshell by claiming that Jamaat-e-Islami Hind had moved away from its earlier advocacy of a theocratic state.
IUML stalwart P.K. Kunhalikutty, however, dismissed the controversy as a non-issue, asserting that League supporters would have no trouble digesting the current “support controversy.”
According to Kunhalikutty, Jamaat’s backing of the UDF is entirely their own decision and does not imply any formal alliance.
“They support the LDF at times, and the UDF at others. That’s their right. There is no memorandum of understanding. We accept their support while maintaining our ideological opposition to them,” he said in a recent interview with a local news channel.
However, Kunhalikutty did not endorse Satheesan’s claim that Jamaat-e-Islami has abandoned its vision of a theocratic state. He categorically stated that while the League remains ideologically opposed to Jamaat, their support this time is rooted in opposition to the LDF government’s corruption.
In the future also, the League leadership is likely to come under fire from various quarters over the UDF-Welfare Party dynamic, regardless of whether Shoukath wins or loses. However, if Shoukath fails to secure a victory, there is a high chance the leadership may face backlash from within its own ranks—for compromising with an organisation long ostracised for its ideology, only for an election that was meant to loss.
THE WEEK’s on-ground reporting found that IUML cadres and leaders are actively campaigning for Shoukath—despite a strained history with him. Party leaders insist that not a single vote will slip from the League's base. But come June 23, the by-poll counting day, it will become clear whether the League successfully held its flock together—or ends up being blamed for a shocking defeat.
India