Nizam’s shadow in Telangana CM: Revanth Reddy’s “Hindi imposition” rhetoric masks Urdu appeasement agenda
In a move that exposes glaring ideological contradictions, Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy has launched a vigorous campaign to revive Urdu in the state’s education system, even as his government continues its vehement opposition to Hindi a language he dismisses as “imposed.” This dual stance raises urgent questions about linguistic authenticity, historical revisionism, and political appeasement in India’s youngest state
The anti-hindi stance
At the India Today Conclave 2025, CM Reddy unequivocally declared, “Hindi is not the national language,” questioning why Prime Minister Modi aggressively promotes Hindi while neglecting Telugu India’s second-most-spoken language. He highlighted the removal of Telugu from civil service exams as evidence of systemic marginalization. In a sharp quip, Reddy revealed his personal motive for learning Hindi: “Modi ji ko thokne ke liye Hindi seekha” (I learnt Hindi to take on Modi). His stand aligns with southern states like Tamil Nadu, which reject the Centre’s three-language policy under the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 .
The urdu promotion agenda
Simultaneously, Telangana has embraced Urdu as its second official language statewide a move ratified by the assembly in 2017 and actively implemented. Urdu is now used in government communications, education boards, and public services. This policy cites Urdu’s historical significance: it was the administrative language under the Nizams and remains vital to accessing Telangana’s archives (most pre-1948 records are in Urdu or Persian). As journalist Moses Tulasi argues, “If Telangana students are to read their own history, Urdu must be revived”
The contradiction critics weigh in opponents, particularly the BJP, accuse Reddy of hypocrisy
Urdu was enforced in Nizam-era Telangana despite only 11% Urdu speakers, marginalizing Telugu, Marathi, and Kannada communities. Its revival risks reopening old wounds. Urdu’s promotion is seen as appeasement of Telangana’s 13% Muslim population a key Congress vote bank. Critics note Reddy’s Cabinet lacks Muslim representation despite their electoral support. BJP leader G. Kishan Reddy asks “Why oppose Hindi as ‘imposition’ while state-imposed Urdu gains official traction?”. He notes Telugu itself struggles for implementation in government offices.
Urdu’s non-native roots in Telangana
Demographic Imposition: During the Nizam’s rule (1724–1948), Urdu was enforced as the sole official language despite Telugu speakers constituting 50% of Hyderabad State’s population, compared to a mere 11% Urdu speakers. This was a deliberate act of cultural erasure, not organic linguistic evolution.
Geographic Origin: Urdu evolved in the Meerut-Delhi region (Uttar Pradesh) as a camp language (“Zaban-e-Urdu-e-Mualla”) of Mughal armies, absorbing Persian and Arabic vocabulary. Its presence in Telangana began only with the Bahmani and Qutb Shahi invasions, making it an imported language not an indigenous one.
Suppression of Telugu: The Nizam’s Urdu-only policy systematically excluded Telugu from education and administration, sparking the Telangana Armed Struggle (1946–51). As historian Moses Tulasi notes, “Not making Telugu the state language majorly contributed to the un-doing of the Nizam state”. Reviving Urdu today echoes this oppressive legacy.
Political double standards
Reddy’s stance reveals a calculated appeasement strategy, While he questions, “What has Modi done to promote Telugu?”, his government diverts resources to Urdu spoken by just 11% of Telangana today, ignoring truly native tribal languages like Gondi, Koya, and Lambadi. Reddy dismisses Hindi as lacking “benefits”, yet Urdu, once the language of the Nizamati eliteis, has been repackaged as the people’s tongue. This ignores that Urdu’s script and vocabulary alienate Telugu’s Dravidian linguistic base.
The larger agenda
This agenda is not new as it mirrors the Samajwadi Party’s demand for Urdu translations in UP assemblies a move CM Yogi Adityanath rightly condemned as attempts to “make children maulvis” rather than scientists. Meanwhile, AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi weaponizes Urdu as “India’s language of Independence”, whitewashing its divisive history.
Conclusion: Whose legacy is Telangana protecting?
Telangana’s true linguistic heritage lies in Telugu a classical language spoken by 77% of its people and its tribal dialects. Promoting Urdu as “native” is historical fraud. If the CM genuinely opposes linguistic imperialism, he must explain why fighting Hindi a language uniting India’s heartlandtakes precedence over reviving the Nizam-suppressed Telugu itself. The answer lies not in culture, but in vote-bank politics that sacrifices Telugu pride at the altar of minority appeasement.
In a move that exposes glaring ideological contradictions, Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy has launched a vigorous campaign to revive Urdu in the state’s education system, even as his government continues its vehement opposition to Hindi a language he dismisses as “imposed.” This dual stance raises urgent questions about linguistic authenticity, historical revisionism, and political appeasement in India’s youngest state
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