COP30 exposes fault lines — and India’s climate priorities
AS COP30 in Belém, Brazil, draws to a close, it is clear that this summit is different from the Paris or Glasgow summits. The urgency has been sharper, the geopolitics more fractured and the pressure on emerging economies like India more intense. For India, COP30 — the 30th meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change — was a test of whether the country can balance growth and climate responsibility while shaping rules that will govern the world’s low-carbon future.
India entered COP30 from a position of cautious strength. The country has met its target of sourcing half its power capacity from non-fossil fuels five years ahead of schedule. As it prepares to update its climate targets for 2035, expectations are high. Yet, every step-up in commitment carries trade-offs. A large part of the economy still depends on affordable energy for industry, transport and agriculture and millions remain without reliable clean power. Balancing ambition with energy security will be the real test.
COP30 has put the following on India’s plate:
Carbon markets and global alignment: India’s Carbon Credit Trading Scheme (CCTS), launched last year, aims to unify domestic emissions trading across sectors. To make it credible internationally, it must sync with Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, which allows countries to trade emission reductions. India is preparing to link its system with partners like Japan under the Joint Crediting Mechanism. A transparent carbon market could attract billions in green investment. With COP30 launching a new 18-country coalition to advance coherent compliance-market rules, India must now move from blueprint to operation; otherwise it risks exclusion from the very market it seeks to shape.
Climate finance and equity: Developing nations have repeated one message for over a decade: ambition needs money. Through its ‘Baku-to-Belém Roadmap’, Brazil has emphasised scaling climate finance to $1.3 trillion a year by 2035. The $100-billion annual finance pledge remains only partly delivered and mostly in the form of loans rather than grants. India’s Fourth Biennial Update Report notes with “deep regret" that the goal was not met through 2021; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) later estimated that this goal was initially met nominally at $115.9 bn in 2022, combining public and private flows. India pressed at COP 30 for delivering truly new, additional and concessional climate funding at the trillion-scale, not just loans disguised as support.
Equity is India’s main moral argument at COP30 and now developed countries must step up. Its per-capita emissions are still less than half the global average, yet it is asked to do more even as developed countries lag in their own commitments. Fossil fuel phase-out (A hard negotiation): Brazil has pushed for progress on fossil fuel phase-out, but the room is split. Several oil-rich countries want any such language blocked. For India, this debate sits at the heart of energy security. A transition is non-negotiable, but the pace and sequencing must be just. A premature phase-out could disrupt grids, strand workers and raise costs, all of which India is unwilling to accept without real finance on the table.
Strengthening South-South cooperation: Ahead of COP30, India and Brazil have been deepening strategic ties on climate diplomacy. India can align with Brazil, South Africa and Indonesia to push for fair carbon market rules, technology transfer and forest conservation finance. This could rebalance global climate negotiations long dominated by western blocs.
Among the challenges is that the integrity of India’s carbon markets will be scrutinised. The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) poses another challenge. At COP 30, India emphasised the Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM) as a key tool to scale low-carbon investment and align with the Paris Agreement’s Article 6. Now India must deliver credible MRV systems and link JCM-type approaches with its domestic market without delay.
At home, better coordination between states, industries and regulators is essential to turn national targets into action.
And finally, India must avoid the trap of green-washing. Progress will be judged by results — cleaner power, greener transport, restored forests and more resilient cities. While renewables have grown nearly forty-fold since 2014, coal still dominates generation and energy access and affordability remain central to India’s transition journey. At COP30, countries sealed a landmark Declaration on Information Integrity for climate action, signalling a sharper global focus on truthful claims and accountability. India must not only set targets but also visibly deliver on real-world outcomes and transparent reporting.A successful outcome for India would mean three things:
1. Global acceptance of its carbon credit system under Article 6, making India a major player in international carbon trading.
2. Stronger financial commitments for developing economies, not vague pledges, for adaptation and loss-and-damage funding.
3. Recognition of balanced approach, ambitious yet grounded in right to development.
The next decade will decide whether India can build a growth model that is clean, resilient and affordable. Cities will need climate-proof infrastructure. Industries will need pathways to clean energy. Agriculture will need shields against heat and water stress. And the transparency systems showcased in BUR-4 will need to work in real time, not just on paper.
India has the chance to lead. The question is whether the country can turn this moment — geopolitical, moral, and economic into a blueprint for a different kind of development story.
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