'We are not another Pakistan': Mahfuj Alam

Interview/ Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the ministry of information and broadcasting, Bangladesh

HISTORY BOOKS HAVE turned a new page in Bangladesh. The textbooks will now include major political events, such as the uprisings from 1952 to the one last July. Behind this change are efforts by Mahfuj Alam, adviser to the ministry of information and broadcasting, who believes Bangladesh has made a historic break from binary politics. Alam, 28, played a key role in the student-led protests in July 2024 that saw the ouster of Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government, by unifying people through a cross-spectrum campaign. Literature, history, cinema and activism are powerful tools to connect across ideological lines, he says. “I had long-standing relationships with many segments of society. That’s how I could help—by strategising, choosing where and how protests would happen, even naming them,” he says.

Looking ahead, Alam is cautiously optimistic. Excerpts from an interview:

Q. How are you addressing the concerns of political uncertainty in Bangladesh?

A. After Professor Mohammad Yunus’s speech on the eve of Eid announcing the time frame for general elections (April 2026), there should be no uncertainty. But the BNP is still demanding elections be held in December or January, and some parties siding with it are citing reasons that range from examination dates to the weather. I think this debate will go on, and those fuelling uncertainty will continue to accuse Professor Yunus of trying to hold on to power. But the interim government is waiting for the Consensus Commission to finish consultations with political parties and come out with the July charter. Once that happens, I am sure it will bring more certainty and stability, and election-centric work will begin.

Q. What are your thoughts on inclusive elections?

A. The idea of inclusivity does not mean participation of all political parties. In the last 15 years, parties with an authoritarian outlook were involved in democratic erosion. If they still jump into the fray, they will face resistance from people. The Awami League is banned and I don’t think they will participate in the upcoming elections. On the other hand, people from all walks of life, especially youngsters who participated in the July uprising, want to cast their votes. Our generation did not vote for the last 15 years, but we will vote this time. Therefore, this election will be more youthful, more inclusive with women and other citizens joining the electoral process.

Q. There is talk of a new political space being created. How can you ensure it doesn’t replicate old structures?

A. That’s the biggest challenge. But in every revolution, something new emerges. The Algerians called it the emergence of the “new man”, not in terms of age, but in terms of ethical grounding and vision. I believe our generation can be that new force. We have already shown that we don’t want politics as usual. Our uprising wasn’t driven by the desire for office or power; it was driven by the desire for fairness, justice and dignity. We have to be vigilant though. Power corrupts. That’s why the emphasis must remain on transparency, rotating leadership, internal democracy and listening to the people who stood with us.

Q. What’s your position on political Islam and the future role of Jamaat-e-Islami?

A. Political Islam in Bangladesh has a ceiling. Historically, it never crossed 12–15 per cent of the electorate. Jamaat will remain a marginal force. Also, globally, political Islam has changed. We are in a post-Islamism phase, where even Islamist parties are moderating and revisiting their ideologies. Bangladesh is no exception. The old 1971 logic no longer applies. That said, I am clear that the state must be secular. But secularism should not be turned into a weapon against traditional communities. We need an inclusive state which is not Islamist, not anti-religion but one that respects all.

Q. What kind of challenges are students’ representatives facing today?

A. We wanted a full systemic overhaul—new laws, electoral reforms and independent oversight. That hasn’t happened yet. Also, there is an imbalance. Our generation which led the uprising has no presence in the establishment. They are way too junior to have friends in the bureaucracy, judiciary and military. They have no leverage in the business community. The BNP has that. Even the Jamaat or Awami League has that.

But the youth are the new men and women of Bangladesh. And that will matter in the long run. So yes, we will likely participate, but the imbalance remains. This isn’t the new settlement the youngsters dreamed of. But we also know change takes time.

Q. Can that lead to more unrest?

A. Not necessarily. It depends on how inclusive the process becomes. This is the time for national consensus, not another round of violence. If political parties and state actors listen—really listen—to what the people are saying, we can transition peacefully. But if not, and if exclusion continues, then history tells us that frustration will return to the streets.

Q. What about engagement with India?

A. I say this with complete clarity that we are open to India. In fact, Indian civil society has already shown support, especially student groups in Kolkata. During the curfew, they stood with us. That meant a lot. But we need more than symbolic gestures. The Indian government and media must engage beyond just the Awami League. Their current policy of disengagement is short-sighted. Bangladesh is not a monolith. There are many voices here. India should hear all of them. More importantly, India must not look at Bangladesh through the lens of fear—fear of Islamism, fear of instability. Our trajectory is different. Our secular spirit, though damaged, is alive.

Q. How do you view Bangladesh’s relations with Pakistan and China in this new context?

A. Bangladesh has the right to engage with all nations. As long as those engagements respect our sovereignty and regional stability, there should be no problem. India and Bangladesh are two sovereign nations with a long-shared history and people-to-people contact. India must stop viewing us through the lens of Islamophobia. We are not another Pakistan.

Q. You are facing criticism for being a students’ representative in an interim government with overlapping interests.

A. It is the BNP and their allies who are spreading these rumours. Students were the leaders of the July uprising. They did not have a plan to capture the whole government and rule the country. Instead, they opted for Professor Yunus to lead the country and helped build a team of people from different sections of society to run the interim government. The student representatives have played a key role in providing legitimacy to it. They have their own ministries and commitments, but they are not helping the National Citizen Party. The fact that the BNP, Jamaat and some others have greater influence than the NCP demonstrates that such allegations are biased and politically motivated.

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