More Shock Than Awe For Field Marshal Asim Munir In Pakistan

There is a joke in Pakistan’s political circles that former Pakistani dictator General Zia-ul-Haq knew only a few verses of the Quran and stayed in power for over a decade till his death in 1988. Whereas the present Pakistan army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, being a Hafiz, knows the Quran by heart and, hence, is unlikely to give up power easily. Munir fluently quotes verses from the Quran on every occasion in chaste Arabic to impress and convince the audience of divine backing for his views and actions. “Bunyan um Marsoos” (solid wall), the Arabic name given to the operation by the Pakistan army in response to “Operation Sindoor” by India, was also taken from the Quran.

What the people of Pakistan apprehend is that his elevation as Field Marshal by the Shehbaz Sharif government on May 20 would open the doors for him for further extension, as well as pave the way for him to play a dominant role in Pakistan’s domestic and foreign policies. Already, Asim Munir has ensured for himself an extension till November 2027 through an amendment in the Army Act.

In fact, Pakistan’s prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, is so beholden to Asim Munir for the survival of his government and for keeping Imran Khan in jail that he lost no time in honouring him for his “exceptional military leadership” during operation “Bunyan um Marsoos”. The quick acceptance of the new post offered by the government by Asim Munir hints at the possibility of the request for the same originating from Rawalpindi. As such, a government formed after the manipulation of the elections in its favour by the army has no moral strength to refuse such a request.

But his elevation to the level of Field Marshal, the highest military rank, has come as a shock for those in Pakistan, who want democracy and the constitution to survive. Former prime minister Imran Khan, the most popular leader in Pakistan, lodged in Rawalpindi’s Adiala Jail, has so far not reacted to the new development. The consolidation of power by Asim Munir will ensure that Imran continues to be behind bars till he publicly apologises for the incidents of violence against army installations on May 9, 2023, and stops questioning the legitimacy of the Shehbaz Sharif government.

Before the Pahalgam attack of April 22, the Pakistan army was continuously battling with growing public anger against it for manipulating the elections in February 2024 and installing a “corrupt” regime. The anger on the economic front against the government was largely directed towards the army for keeping it in power. The reality is that the high level of inflation and continuous rise in utility prices have broken the backs of ordinary people, with more pain in store because of new conditionalities imposed by the International Monetary Fund.

Besides, Asim Munir was regularly lampooned on social media by handles associated with Imran Khan’s party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf, for allegedly keeping Imran in jail on trumped-up charges. The army’s failure to deal with the internal security situation in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa also led to questions being raised about its professionalism. The most glaring was the hijacking of the Jaffar Express by the Baloch Liberation Army, a Baloch separatist group, on March 11. The incident caused severe damage to the Pakistan army’s image.

Unable to explain its failure in dealing with the ever-escalating violence by Baloch separatists and elements of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the Pakistan army conveniently blames the collusion of India and the interim Taliban government in Afghanistan for the same. It had blamed both India and the Taliban government for supporting and facilitating those involved in the hijacking of the Jaffar Express in Balochistan, in which several unarmed army men were killed. This was perhaps the trigger for the Pahalgam attack.

As of now, the Pakistan army has been successful in generating euphoria in the country in its favour regarding the recent conflict with India. According to Gallup Pakistan, 96% of those surveyed between May 12 and 18 believed that Pakistan had won the war, but at the same time, 91% supported a ceasefire, with nearly half of them calling for the normalisation of relations between the two countries. As the temporary euphoria evaporates, the burning issues facing the country are going to return to haunt both the government and the army.

Only a day after the ascension of Asim Munir as field marshal, an Army Public School bus was blown up in Khuzdar in Balochistan, killing 6, including four children. No one has claimed the responsibility so far, but the Pakistan army quickly blamed “Indian terror proxies” for the same. As expected, Ishaq Dar, Pakistan’s deputy prime minister and foreign minister, echoed the sentiment in parliament. Earlier, on May 20, thousands of residents protested the killing of four children in a drone attack at Mir Ali in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, seeking justice. It is suspected that it was a case of mistaken identity, and perhaps the drone was used by the army.

While Pakistan accuses India of using “proxies” in Balochistan, the case against the Pakistan army is well documented by India over decades. The line between “jehadi” groups and the Pakistan army is extremely thin, despite the Pakistanis projecting the former as autonomous. It was clearly visible when several Pakistan army officers attended the funeral of Masood Azhar’s family members killed in the Indian action at Bahawalpur. On being questioned by the BBC, the army spokesperson remained evasive. Hence, the foreign policy that Pakistan would continue, as in the past, would be a combination of diplomacy and “jehadi” violence.

It puts a severe burden on the Indian agencies to present the evidence of Pakistan’s involvement in terror violence before the world in a convincing manner. Meanwhile, India should continue to strive for a balanced approach, prioritising diplomatic engagement but at the same time maintaining strategic deterrence.

Avinash Mohananey is a former Intelligence Bureau officer who served in Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan.

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